SS: Although technically still prime minister for a few more days. Orban’s illiberal empire is already collapsing as skeletons fell out of the closets and investigations began.
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For the global poor:
>Hungary experiences democratic spring on the eve of Péter Magyar’s inauguration
The defeat of outgoing prime minister Viktor Orban, who is set to hand over the reins of government to Péter Magyar on Saturday, is bringing a wave of change to the country. Oligarchs close to the former regime are now facing a surge of investigations.
>The scene stunned Hungarians. On Monday, May 4, just days ahead of the May 9 inauguration for new prime minister Péter Magyar in Budapest, the head of Hungary’s largest communications group appeared teary-eyed on camera for the Kontroll news site, owned by Magyar’s brother. Gyula Balasy, 46, who is known for his ties to outgoing prime minister Viktor Orban, announced, with his face drawn, that he was ready to “give” all his companies to the state.
>On May 5, Hungarian police confirmed that they had “blocked accounts and seized funds” linked to Balasy’s companies as part of a “money laundering” investigation. This was an unprecedented move against a businessman previously considered untouchable – one who accumulated nearly 100 billion forints (approximately €280 million) in dividends from his various businesses, which hold a monopoly over public sector communications in Hungary. These earnings notably allowed him to secretly invest in acquiring the pan-European news channel Euronews, as Le Monde revealed in 2024.
>”I have no reason to leave Hungary,” added Balasy, as rumors proliferated about oligarchs close to the outgoing nationalist leader fleeing the country following his major defeat in the legislative elections. Though he was previously known for his arrogance, his love of luxury cars and for designing garish billboards plastered across the country with public funding that often targeted Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, Balasy admitted that his spectacular decision stemmed from mounting troubles ever since the vote.
>Institutions awaken from their lethargy
Balasy’s dramatic fall has become the symbol of the “Hungarian spring” promised by Magyar after his sweeping victory with 53% of the vote on April 12. The conservative, pro-European candidate will officially become prime minister only after the ceremony on May 9 at Parliament, followed by a major celebration in central Budapest. But the momentum from his electoral victory has already begun to transform this Central European country, notably reviving institutions that the far right had subdued during its 16 years in power.
>”At every level, people are breaking their silence to describe the impact of political influence in their sector,” explained Sandor Lederer, of the anti-corruption NGO K-Monitor, who sees this as “a sign that people are no longer afraid of reprisals if they speak out.” The Hungarian press is now filled with anecdotes which, taken together, point to a deeper trend. For example, on April 22, the prosecution, which until now was under the government’s control, suddenly announced that two people close to Orban’s younger brother had been arrested as part of an investigation into fraudulent visas. The following day, the consumer protection authority revealed it was investigating “irregular mining activities” at a company owned by another of the outgoing prime minister’s brothers as well as his mother.
>According to Lederer, this sudden burst of activity may well be a “cover-your-back move.” Magyar has, in fact, given Hungarian President Tamas Sulyok until May 31 to resign, along with the heads of other institutions that have long been loyal to Orban: the Prosecution Service, the Constitutional Court and the Media Council. Should they refuse, Magyar could use his constitutional supermajority – holding more than two-thirds of the seats in Parliament – to remove them.
>The only blot on the landscape: Magyar had initially decided to name his own brother-in-law as justice minister, but the latter stepped down on May 7 in response to the ensuing public discomfort. Yet this has not dented the considerable public support the new leader enjoys, according to a poll published by the Median institute, which also found that 65% of Hungarians would like Orban to face justice. Even though he gave up his seat in the new Parliament, Orban remains, for now, at the head of his party Fidesz, making only rare public statements in which he avoids any self-criticism.
>Under pressure from these developments, some institutions have already begun to dismantle themselves. For example, the foundation that oversees the Moholy-Nagy University of Art and Design announced on April 30 that it would return the institution to the state. The transfer of universities into foundations controlled by Fidesz loyalists was one of the main criticisms the European Commission leveled at the outgoing government. At the University of Theatre and Film Arts, students have also started organizing to remove a director very close to Orban who was appointed in 2020 despite massive protests.
>Media in transition
Cultural circles are also witnessing a major reckoning, following the sudden publication on April 23 by the Ministry of Culture of a list of beneficiaries of grants distributed by an opaque fund controlled by the minister. Several singers known for supporting the prime minister’s campaign appear on these lists, as does a theater project led by a friend of his eldest daughter, Rahel Orban, which alone received more than €800,000. Again, these revelations have caused consternation, even among those close to Orban.
>This powerful sea change is also reaching the media, after Orban spent 16 years building a vast propaganda apparatus. Immediately after the election, public broadcasters stopped disparaging Magyar and returned to more balanced coverage; he was then invited, for the first time in 18 months, to appear on a broadcast. The highly charged interview – between a new leader promising to suspend their news programs as soon as he takes office and presenters who had attacked him relentlessly throughout the campaign – was watched widely across the country.
>”Even though things are changing at a surprising speed, it will take time to bring about real institutional reform,” cautioned Agnes Urban, of the media watchdog group Mertek Media Monitor, noting the European regulations designed to counter Orban-style abuses, which specifically prohibit overly abrupt dismissals in public broadcasting. Among private media close to the former regime, TV2 – the main private channel, owned by Lörinc Mészaros – announced on May 7 that it is ending its nightly infotainment program Tények, which had served Orban’s propaganda.
>”All these private media depended on state funding and cannot survive under normal market conditions,” noted Urban, all the more so since many indicators suggest their audience has been falling since the election. “Many Fidesz voters suddenly realized they hadn’t been told the truth; it’s a kind of awakening.” Like many in Hungary, this expert is surprised that the house of cards Orban patiently built to cement his hold on power since 2010 is now collapsing so quickly.
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SS: Although technically still prime minister for a few more days. Orban’s illiberal empire is already collapsing as skeletons fell out of the closets and investigations began.
For the global poor:
>Hungary experiences democratic spring on the eve of Péter Magyar’s inauguration
The defeat of outgoing prime minister Viktor Orban, who is set to hand over the reins of government to Péter Magyar on Saturday, is bringing a wave of change to the country. Oligarchs close to the former regime are now facing a surge of investigations.
>The scene stunned Hungarians. On Monday, May 4, just days ahead of the May 9 inauguration for new prime minister Péter Magyar in Budapest, the head of Hungary’s largest communications group appeared teary-eyed on camera for the Kontroll news site, owned by Magyar’s brother. Gyula Balasy, 46, who is known for his ties to outgoing prime minister Viktor Orban, announced, with his face drawn, that he was ready to “give” all his companies to the state.
>On May 5, Hungarian police confirmed that they had “blocked accounts and seized funds” linked to Balasy’s companies as part of a “money laundering” investigation. This was an unprecedented move against a businessman previously considered untouchable – one who accumulated nearly 100 billion forints (approximately €280 million) in dividends from his various businesses, which hold a monopoly over public sector communications in Hungary. These earnings notably allowed him to secretly invest in acquiring the pan-European news channel Euronews, as Le Monde revealed in 2024.
>”I have no reason to leave Hungary,” added Balasy, as rumors proliferated about oligarchs close to the outgoing nationalist leader fleeing the country following his major defeat in the legislative elections. Though he was previously known for his arrogance, his love of luxury cars and for designing garish billboards plastered across the country with public funding that often targeted Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, Balasy admitted that his spectacular decision stemmed from mounting troubles ever since the vote.
>Institutions awaken from their lethargy
Balasy’s dramatic fall has become the symbol of the “Hungarian spring” promised by Magyar after his sweeping victory with 53% of the vote on April 12. The conservative, pro-European candidate will officially become prime minister only after the ceremony on May 9 at Parliament, followed by a major celebration in central Budapest. But the momentum from his electoral victory has already begun to transform this Central European country, notably reviving institutions that the far right had subdued during its 16 years in power.
>”At every level, people are breaking their silence to describe the impact of political influence in their sector,” explained Sandor Lederer, of the anti-corruption NGO K-Monitor, who sees this as “a sign that people are no longer afraid of reprisals if they speak out.” The Hungarian press is now filled with anecdotes which, taken together, point to a deeper trend. For example, on April 22, the prosecution, which until now was under the government’s control, suddenly announced that two people close to Orban’s younger brother had been arrested as part of an investigation into fraudulent visas. The following day, the consumer protection authority revealed it was investigating “irregular mining activities” at a company owned by another of the outgoing prime minister’s brothers as well as his mother.
>According to Lederer, this sudden burst of activity may well be a “cover-your-back move.” Magyar has, in fact, given Hungarian President Tamas Sulyok until May 31 to resign, along with the heads of other institutions that have long been loyal to Orban: the Prosecution Service, the Constitutional Court and the Media Council. Should they refuse, Magyar could use his constitutional supermajority – holding more than two-thirds of the seats in Parliament – to remove them.
>The only blot on the landscape: Magyar had initially decided to name his own brother-in-law as justice minister, but the latter stepped down on May 7 in response to the ensuing public discomfort. Yet this has not dented the considerable public support the new leader enjoys, according to a poll published by the Median institute, which also found that 65% of Hungarians would like Orban to face justice. Even though he gave up his seat in the new Parliament, Orban remains, for now, at the head of his party Fidesz, making only rare public statements in which he avoids any self-criticism.
>Under pressure from these developments, some institutions have already begun to dismantle themselves. For example, the foundation that oversees the Moholy-Nagy University of Art and Design announced on April 30 that it would return the institution to the state. The transfer of universities into foundations controlled by Fidesz loyalists was one of the main criticisms the European Commission leveled at the outgoing government. At the University of Theatre and Film Arts, students have also started organizing to remove a director very close to Orban who was appointed in 2020 despite massive protests.
>Media in transition
Cultural circles are also witnessing a major reckoning, following the sudden publication on April 23 by the Ministry of Culture of a list of beneficiaries of grants distributed by an opaque fund controlled by the minister. Several singers known for supporting the prime minister’s campaign appear on these lists, as does a theater project led by a friend of his eldest daughter, Rahel Orban, which alone received more than €800,000. Again, these revelations have caused consternation, even among those close to Orban.
>This powerful sea change is also reaching the media, after Orban spent 16 years building a vast propaganda apparatus. Immediately after the election, public broadcasters stopped disparaging Magyar and returned to more balanced coverage; he was then invited, for the first time in 18 months, to appear on a broadcast. The highly charged interview – between a new leader promising to suspend their news programs as soon as he takes office and presenters who had attacked him relentlessly throughout the campaign – was watched widely across the country.
>”Even though things are changing at a surprising speed, it will take time to bring about real institutional reform,” cautioned Agnes Urban, of the media watchdog group Mertek Media Monitor, noting the European regulations designed to counter Orban-style abuses, which specifically prohibit overly abrupt dismissals in public broadcasting. Among private media close to the former regime, TV2 – the main private channel, owned by Lörinc Mészaros – announced on May 7 that it is ending its nightly infotainment program Tények, which had served Orban’s propaganda.
>”All these private media depended on state funding and cannot survive under normal market conditions,” noted Urban, all the more so since many indicators suggest their audience has been falling since the election. “Many Fidesz voters suddenly realized they hadn’t been told the truth; it’s a kind of awakening.” Like many in Hungary, this expert is surprised that the house of cards Orban patiently built to cement his hold on power since 2010 is now collapsing so quickly.
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